What is the relative importance of 
private information, investor trading strategies, and pure whim in predicting 
the market? What is the relative importance of conventional economic news 
(interest rates, budget deficits, accounting scandals, and trade balances), 
popular culture fads (in sports, movies, fashions), and germane political and 
military events (terrorism, elections, war) too disparate even to categorize? If 
we were to carefully define the problem, predicting the market with any 
precision is probably what mathematicians call a universal problem, meaning that 
a complete solution to it would lead immediately to solutions for a large class 
of other problems. It is, in other words, as hard a problem in social prediction 
as there is.
Certainly, too little notice is taken 
of the complicated connections among these variables, even the more clearly 
defined economic ones. Interest rates, for example, have an impact on 
unemployment rates, which in turn influence revenues; budget deficits affect 
trade deficits, which sway interest rates and exchange rates; corporate fraud 
influences consumer confidence, which may depress the stock market and alter 
other indices; natural business cycles of various periods are superimposed on 
one another; an increase in some quantity or index positively (or negatively) 
feeds back on another, reinforcing or weakening it and being reinforced or 
weakened in turn.
Few of these associations are 
accurately described by a straight-line graph and so they bring to a 
mathematician’s mind the subject of nonlinear dynamics, more popularly known as 
chaos theory. The subject doesn’t deal with anarchist treatises or surrealist 
manifestoes but with the behavior of so-called nonlinear systems. For our 
purposes these may be thought of as any collection of parts whose interactions 
and connections are described by nonlinear rules or equations. That is to say, 
the equations’ variables may be multiplied together, raised to powers, and so 
on. As a consequence the system’s parts are not necessarily linked in a 
proportional manner as they are, for example, in a bathroom scale or a 
thermometer; doubling the magnitude of one part will not double that of 
another—nor will outputs be proportional to inputs. Not surprisingly, trying to 
predict the precise long-term behavior of such systems is often 
futile.
Let me, in place of a technical 
definition of such nonlinear systems, describe instead a particular physical 
instance of one. Picture before you a billiards table. Imagine that 
approximately twenty-five round obstacles are securely fastened to its surface 
in some haphazard arrangement. You hire the best pool player you can find and 
ask him to place the ball at a particular spot on the table and take a shot 
toward one of the round obstacles. After he’s done so, his challenge is to make 
exactly the same shot from the same spot with another ball. Even if his angle on 
this second shot is off by the merest fraction of a degree, the trajectories of 
these two balls will very soon diverge considerably. An infinitesimal difference 
in the angle of impact will be magnified by successive hits of the obstacles. 
Soon one of the balls will hit an obstacle that the other misses entirely, at 
which point all similarity between the two trajectories ends.
The sensitivity of the billiard balls’ 
paths to minuscule variations in their initial angles is characteristic of 
nonlinear systems. The divergence of the billiard balls is not unlike the 
disproportionate effect of seemingly inconsequential events, the missed planes, 
serendipitous meetings, and odd mistakes and links that shape and reshape our 
lives.
This sensitive dependence of nonlinear 
systems on even tiny differences in initial conditions is, I repeat, relevant to 
various aspects of the stock market in general, in particular its sometimes 
wildly disproportionate responses to seemingly small stimuli such as companies’ 
falling a penny short of earnings estimates. Sometimes, of course, the 
differences are more substantial. Witness the notoriously large discrepancies 
between government economic figures on the size of budget surpluses and 
corporate accounting statements of earnings and the “real” numbers.
Aspects of investor behavior too can 
no doubt be better modeled by a nonlinear system than a linear one. This is so 
despite the fact that linear systems and models are much more robust, with small 
differences in initial conditions leading only to small differences in final 
outcomes. They’re also easier to predict mathematically, and this is why they’re 
so often employed whether their application is appropriate or not. The chestnut 
about the economist looking for his lost car keys under the street lamp comes to 
mind. “You probably lost them near the car,” his companion remonstrates, to 
which the economist responds, “I know, but the light is better over 
here.”
The “butterfly effect” is the term 
often used for the sensitive dependence of nonlinear systems, a characteristic 
that has been noted in phenomena ranging from fluid flow and heart fibrillations 
to epilepsy and price fluctuations. The name comes from the idea that a 
butterfly flapping its wings someplace in South America might be sufficient to 
change future weather systems, helping to bring about, say, a tornado in 
Oklahoma that would otherwise not have occurred. It also explains why long-range 
precise prediction of nonlinear systems isn’t generally possible. This 
non-predictability is the result not of randomness but of complexity too great 
to fathom.
Yet another reason to suspect that 
parts of the market may be better modeled by nonlinear systems is that such 
systems’ “trajectories” often follow a fractal course. The trajectories of these 
systems, of which the stock price movements may be considered a proxy, turn out 
to be aperiodic and unpredictable and, when examined closely, evince even more 
intricacy. Still closer inspection of the system’s trajectories reveals yet 
smaller vortices and complications of the same general kind.
In general, fractals are curves, 
surfaces, or higher dimensional objects that contain more, but similar, 
complexity the closer one looks. A shoreline, to cite a classic example, has a 
characteristic jagged shape at whatever scale we draw it; that is, whether we 
use satellite photos to sketch the whole coast, map it on a fine scale by 
walking along some small section of it, or examine a few inches of it through a 
magnifying glass. The surface of the mountain looks roughly the same whether 
seen from a height of 200 feet by a giant or close up by an insect. The 
branching of a tree appears the same to us as it does to birds, or even to worms 
or fungi in the idealized limiting case of infinite branching.
As the mathematician Benoit 
Mandelbrot, the discoverer of fractals, has famously written, “Clouds are not 
spheres, mountains are not cones, coastlines are not circles, and bark is not 
smooth, nor does lightning travel in a straight line.” These and many other 
shapes in nature are near fractals, having characteristic zigzags, push-pulls, 
bump-dents at almost every size scale, greater magnification yielding similar 
but ever more complicated convolutions.
And the bottom line, or, in this case, 
the bottom fractal, for stocks? By starting with the basic up-down-up and 
down-up-down patterns of a stock’s possible movements, continually replacing 
each of these patterns’ three segments with smaller versions of one of the basic 
patterns chosen at random, and then altering the spikiness of the patterns to 
reflect changes in the stock’s volatility, Mandelbrot has constructed what he 
calls multifractal “forgeries.” The forgeries are patterns of price movement 
whose general look is indistinguishable from that of real stock price movements. 
In contrast, more conventional assumptions about price movements, say those of a 
strict random-walk theorist, lead to patterns that are noticeably different from 
real price movements.
These multifractal patterns are so far 
merely descriptive, not predictive of specific price changes. In their modesty, 
as well as in their mathematical sophistication, they differ from the Elliott 
waves mentioned in chapter 3.
Even this does not prove that chaos 
(in the mathematical sense) reigns in (part of) the market, but it is clearly a 
bit more than suggestive. The occasional surges of extreme volatility that have 
always been a part of the market are not as nicely accounted for by traditional 
approaches to finance, approaches Mandelbrot compares to “theories of sea waves 
that forbid their swells to exceed six feet.”

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